We have been asked if China’s world power status should be challenged. If we were to deny China the standing it has earned through its efforts (both fair and unfair, free and coerced) we would do so at our peril. China is a world power and to deny it would be to purposefully ignore the dragon in the room.
In fact, what seems to be happening now on the world stage is exactly what should be happening: China is being recognized for what it is. It is a huge country with a massive population, phenomenal economic growth, vast potential for contribution, a horrible human rights record, and declining environmental health. Pretending that China is not a world power would be to minimize the impact of these very real problems.
One lesson can be learned from the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese understand a collective morality and despise shame. Back then, “reactionary” intellectuals were publically humiliated to reinforce collective ideals. The world should adopt a similar (those less abrasive) strategy now. One thing that Chinese nationalism wants is greater prestige. An appeal to Chinese nationalism is the way to embarrass the Chinese into compliance with international standards. China should be recognized for what it is, but then told that it is not living up to the world standard for modern powers.
This strategy is already working to an extent as China begins to realize its responsibilities. China has agreed to the UN peace keepers in Sudan, for example, and is very aware of the world’s eyes being upon it in this Olympic year. China is starting to realize that its hands-off approach to the tyrants it trades with is unacceptable to the rest of the developed world and that the industrialized nations find its control of information and political repression very distasteful. It is highly unlikely that the shame strategy alone will cause any broad reforms, but it is a better strategy than trying to sweep a fire breathing dragon (one that has just woken up, in fact) under the rug.
Tuesday, March 25, 2008
Saturday, March 1, 2008
Animal Rights in China from The Economist
Animal rights issues qualify as environmental issues, don’t they? It may be a bit of a stretch considering all the studying we’ve done this week on the environmental impact of the Mao era, rapid economic development under Deng, and the current big works projects. Still, though, the issues raised by an article in this week’s The Economist infer that the same attitude toward the environment, namely a total disregard, also exists for animal rights.
Animals are treated terribly in the United States, but apparently the situation is worse in China. Some of the specifics the author discusses are factories where bears are kept in tiny cages so that their bile can be harvested for medicine and “safari parks” where live animals are fed to lions for the entertainment of spectators. Of course the factory farms are also inhumane.
What I found the most surprising, though, was the official reaction to the issue. It seems that the call for change is a top-down affair with Congresswoman Zhou Ping leading the charge. She has so far been unable to get any legislation passed, but the fact that a Western magazine is publishing an article on her plight says something. Another point of interest is PETA’s involvement in China, which the article characterizes as “more playful than shocking.” I am actually surprised that PETA is working in China. I would have thought that they were way too in-your-face for the CCP. Apparently they tone down the rhetoric, but with all we read in Shapiro about how hard it is to register and operate an NGO in China, I’m actually kind of proud of PETA’s ability to adapt, even though I normally dislike the organization’s methods.
PETA is also working with local officials, advising them on how to deal with the issue of stray dogs, which are becoming a problem now that people are starting to own pets. We all know that the true measure of economic prosperity is the ability to feed an animal who doesn’t feed you back. China must really be on the move…
Animals are treated terribly in the United States, but apparently the situation is worse in China. Some of the specifics the author discusses are factories where bears are kept in tiny cages so that their bile can be harvested for medicine and “safari parks” where live animals are fed to lions for the entertainment of spectators. Of course the factory farms are also inhumane.
What I found the most surprising, though, was the official reaction to the issue. It seems that the call for change is a top-down affair with Congresswoman Zhou Ping leading the charge. She has so far been unable to get any legislation passed, but the fact that a Western magazine is publishing an article on her plight says something. Another point of interest is PETA’s involvement in China, which the article characterizes as “more playful than shocking.” I am actually surprised that PETA is working in China. I would have thought that they were way too in-your-face for the CCP. Apparently they tone down the rhetoric, but with all we read in Shapiro about how hard it is to register and operate an NGO in China, I’m actually kind of proud of PETA’s ability to adapt, even though I normally dislike the organization’s methods.
PETA is also working with local officials, advising them on how to deal with the issue of stray dogs, which are becoming a problem now that people are starting to own pets. We all know that the true measure of economic prosperity is the ability to feed an animal who doesn’t feed you back. China must really be on the move…
Saturday, January 19, 2008
Eyes of the World on China
There has been no better time since the mid-nineties (and perhaps not even then) to be a student studying China. There are several reasons why we should pay special attention to China this year such as the recent defeat of the Democratic Progressive Party by the Kuomintang in Taiwan’s parliamentary elections, China’s involvement with the international community in Sudan, and the interesting evolution of China’s censorship policies concerning the internet.
Without a doubt, though, the most important event in China this year will be the Beijing Olympics, a fact that is not lost on anyone in the emergent power. China’s influence has steadily been on the rise since it opened up its economy, but most of its gains have been reliant on the nation’s sheer immensity. Its economy, for example, is one of the world’s most significant, but only because it is large, not because it is efficient. China, though certainly a major player in international politics, is still viewed by much of the world as a sort of unsophisticated junior partner, a developing country that has made great strides forward but still suffers from widespread poverty and lingers in outdated authoritarian political practices that stifle innovation and creativity.
These very real problems have allowed many citizens of other powerful nations to ignore China as being outside the US and EU dominated sphere of the modern developed world, which also includes Japanese economic and Russian military power. In many ways, this “blind-eye” has been convenient for the Chinese Communist Party, allowing it to continue its corruption, nepotism, censorship, and rigid control of the political system.
For better or worse, the Beijing Olympics will end this situation. If China can successfully host the games without incident, then they will herald the nation’s ascendancy to top-tier world-power status. A recent article in the Economist, “The challenge to Beijingoism,” discussed in some detail what the Olympics mean to China. The article proposes that China appears to be materially ready to host the games: the stadium and new airport are on schedule to be finished on time, for example. However, the article continues, the increased attention will mean that some of China’s less-attractive aspects will be exposed to greater criticism, including the possibility of both international and domestic protests.
The last time the world watched the Chinese political authorities deal with heavy criticism was during the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, which were violently suppressed with military force. The outcome of that situation almost twenty years ago still informs the impression that many in the Western world have of the social situation in China. This year’s Olympic Games promise to have an equally strong impression on world opinion. Whether that impression is on balance positive or negative depends in large part on how the authorities handle political dissent.
"The challenge to Beijingoism." Economist.com 16 Dec 2007. 17 Jan 2008.
Without a doubt, though, the most important event in China this year will be the Beijing Olympics, a fact that is not lost on anyone in the emergent power. China’s influence has steadily been on the rise since it opened up its economy, but most of its gains have been reliant on the nation’s sheer immensity. Its economy, for example, is one of the world’s most significant, but only because it is large, not because it is efficient. China, though certainly a major player in international politics, is still viewed by much of the world as a sort of unsophisticated junior partner, a developing country that has made great strides forward but still suffers from widespread poverty and lingers in outdated authoritarian political practices that stifle innovation and creativity.
These very real problems have allowed many citizens of other powerful nations to ignore China as being outside the US and EU dominated sphere of the modern developed world, which also includes Japanese economic and Russian military power. In many ways, this “blind-eye” has been convenient for the Chinese Communist Party, allowing it to continue its corruption, nepotism, censorship, and rigid control of the political system.
For better or worse, the Beijing Olympics will end this situation. If China can successfully host the games without incident, then they will herald the nation’s ascendancy to top-tier world-power status. A recent article in the Economist, “The challenge to Beijingoism,” discussed in some detail what the Olympics mean to China. The article proposes that China appears to be materially ready to host the games: the stadium and new airport are on schedule to be finished on time, for example. However, the article continues, the increased attention will mean that some of China’s less-attractive aspects will be exposed to greater criticism, including the possibility of both international and domestic protests.
The last time the world watched the Chinese political authorities deal with heavy criticism was during the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, which were violently suppressed with military force. The outcome of that situation almost twenty years ago still informs the impression that many in the Western world have of the social situation in China. This year’s Olympic Games promise to have an equally strong impression on world opinion. Whether that impression is on balance positive or negative depends in large part on how the authorities handle political dissent.
"The challenge to Beijingoism." Economist.com 16 Dec 2007. 17 Jan 2008.
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